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遵义怎样减少脸上红血丝遵义龅牙烤瓷牙Is the state making a comeback? It can certainly look like it. Old-fashioned interstate conflicts are roiling the China Sea and Russia’s western borders. Inter-governmental meetings such as the last Apec conference and the Group of 20 leading economies in Sydney took on an unwonted urgency. More positively, it is old-fashioned diplomacy that is making the running on issues from Iran’s nuclear programme to global warming.国家正在“卷土重来”?看起来可能就是如此。老式的国家间冲突正搅动着中国China Sea)和俄罗斯西部边境。政府间会议,比如刚结束的亚太经合组Apec)会议0国集G20)悉尼峰会,都具备了一种少有的紧迫性。更能明这一点的是,在从伊朗核计划到全球变暖等一系列问题上,老式的外交仍发挥着主导作用。Yet the dominant view since the early 1990s has been that globalisation meant the transformation of the world through non-state actors. The end of the cold war ushered in an almost Marxist expectation that the state would wither away overshadowed by free flows of money and goods, undermined by non-state actors of which terrorist groups were only the most obvious. It was an expectation shared right across the political spectrum.然而,上世0年代初以来的主流观点一直是,全球化导致非国家力量成为世界变革的主导因素。冷战的结束催生了一种近乎马克思主义式的预期:在资本与货物自由流动的巨大阴影下,在非国家力量(恐怖组织只是其中最明显的一力量)的削弱下,国家将逐渐消亡。各个政治派别都曾产生这种预期。On the left, critics of market globalisation anticipated the rise of people power. Non-governmental organisations would supersede the supposedly worn out institutions of the nation state and create new, more vibrant forms of political activity. Technology would bring better solutions to old problems, bypassing stagnant state institutions.在左翼阵营,市场全球化的批评者曾预期民众力量会崛起。非政府组织将取代应该已破败不堪的民族国家机构,并创立新的、更具活力的政治活动体制。科技将为老问题带来更有效的解决办法,绕开死气沉沉的国家机构。The neoliberal right hailed the rise of global finance, the dismantling of capital controls and the deregulation of banking, not least because all of these weakened national governmentscapacity to control markets. In manufacturing and services, enormous new powers accrued to corporations able to take advantage of differing tax regimes and wage levels across the world.新自由主Neoliberalism)右翼阵营则为全球金融的崛起、资本管制的解除和业的去监管叫好,其重要原因在于,这几个因素都弱化了民族国家政府对市场的管制能力。在制造业和务业,巨大的新兴力量渐渐集中到那些能利用全球税制和工资水平差异牟利的企业手中。Yet these hopes underestimated the sheer staying power indeed the legitimacy of the state and its institutions, and the extreme difficulty of creating new ones from scratch. NGOs remain on the sidelines: international organisations are vehicles for clusters and coalitions of national states to act in concert where they can. To that extent they are essentially derivative, reflecting the wishes of their most powerful members. The idea that they could be freed from the clutches of national governments was a pipe dream.但是,这些预期低估了国家及国家机构的巨大耐久力(其实就是其合法性),以及从无到有创建新机构的极端困难性。非政府组织唱的仍然是配角:国际组织是民族国家为在可能领域采取一致行动而设立的抱团及联合平台。就此而言,它们本质上属于派生物,反映的是其最强大成员的意愿。有人认为它们能摆脱民族国家政府的控制,这种想法就是白日做梦。And the neoliberal infatuation with unfettered markets has not fared much better. The era of globalisation was always one of instability and in Mexico, east Asia, and Russia, the costs of crisis were evident to those who cared throughout the 1990s. But it was only a decade later, when the failure of Lehman Brothers and its aftermath robbed Americans and Europeans of their faith in capitalism, that perceptions started to change where it counted.新自由主义对自由市场的迷恋,导致的结果也没好到哪去。全球化时代一直伴随着动荡;整0世纪90年代,在墨西哥、东亚和俄罗斯,危机带来的损失对那些关心这一切的人来说显而易见的。但自由市场经济体的民众观念开始发生转变是0年之后,那一年,雷曼兄弟(Lehman Brothers)垮台及其余波导致欧美人丧失了对资本主义的信心。Since then, power has shifted back towards the state on multiple fronts. It was, after all, taxpayers who bailed the banks out. It fell to central banks, in conjunction with finance ministries, to superintend the exit from crisis. Since 2010, the increasing inequality that has accompanied the recovery has fuelled an underlying swell of electoral anger not only against the banks but also against the light tax burdens enjoyed by many global corporations. The change in sentiment threatens further trade liberalisation and has propelled calls for the international harmonisation of corporation taxes up the political agenda. At the same time, Vladimir Putin’s muscle-flexing illustrates the continued indispensability of states in settling matters of war and peace.自那以来,国家已在多个方面“卷土重来”。毕竟,是纳税人拯救了业。正是多国的央行和财政部携起手来,才引领世界脱离了危机。自2010年以来,与复苏相伴而来的是不平等的加剧,这可能已令选民对乃至对许多跨国企业享有的轻税负产生更大的愤慨。民众情绪的变化对进一步的贸易自由化构成了威胁,并引发了把制定国际统一公司税摆在政治议程更靠前位置的呼声。同时,弗拉基米#8226;普京(Vladimir Putin)炫耀武力的行为表明,在解决战争与和平的问题时,国家一直是不可或缺的。In reality, the state has been with us the whole time. Its fiscal imprint has hardly changed in decades: US government receipts, for instance, are much the same percentage of output today as in 1960. In the UK, public spending has fluctuated within a fairly narrow band throughout the same period. What happened over the past two or three decades was less a withering away of the state than a recalibration of official priorities. Abdicating strategic planning internally, the state become an arbiter of regulatory regimes. Externally, it transformed defence budgets, transferring resources from men to machines.在现实中,国家由始至终没有离开过我们。几十年来,国家的财政印迹几乎没有发生变化:比如,如今的美国政府收入与经济产出之比,960年基本相同。同期,英国的公共出一直在相当窄的范围内波动。过去二三十年发生的事,更多的是一种官方优先事项的重校,而不是国家力量的日渐衰落。对内,国家不再做战略规划,变身成为监管体制的仲裁者。对外,国家大幅调整了防务预算,把资源从人转到机器上。The financial crisis has accelerated some of these trends and started to reverse others. States or the politicians who lead them are still reluctant to do what would have been done in the 1940s. They remain strikingly reluctant to impose tougher penalties on banks or to identify unemployment as a priority. But what is perhaps important is what the crisis has done globally: by discrediting the more mythical idealisations of the market, it has encouraged the restoration of state power as a goal in itself. This programme is easily harnessed by authoritarian leaders in the name of national sovereignty and democracy. Hungary and Russia exemplify the trend. We have heard a lot, this past 20 years, about the decline of the state. We will not be hearing much more.金融危机加快了上述部分趋势,并开始逆转另一些趋势。国家——或者说领导国家的政治人士——仍不愿做原本在上世0年代就可做到的事情。他们仍极不愿意对处以更严厉的惩罚、或把解决失业作为优先任务。但重要的可能是金融危机在全球造成的后果:它让那些神乎其神的、把市场理想化的理论名誉扫地,从根本上促使人们把恢复国家的力量做为一项目标。这一进程容易被假托国家主权与民主之名的威权领导人利用。匈牙利和俄罗斯就是这一趋势的典型例子。过去二十年,我们听到了许多关于国家力量走下坡路的议论。未来,这种议论不会显著增多。来 /201412/346231遵义痘痘怎么治疗 Donald Trump has called for a “total and complete shutdownon Muslims entering the US in a dramatic escalation of the aly sharp rhetoric about Islam that has followed the terrorist attacks in California and Paris. 在共和党总统候选人提名战民调中领跑的唐纳德礠朗Donald Trump)呼吁,应“完全而彻底地禁止”穆斯林进入美国。法国巴黎和美国加利福尼亚州发生恐怖袭击后,一些人针对伊斯兰教发表的言论已然相当尖锐,特朗普的这番话意味着这类言论的尖锐性出现了大幅升级。The real estate mogul, who is leading the polls for the Republican presidential nomination, said in a statement on Monday that Muslims should be barred from entering the country until national leaders “can figure out what is going on这名地产大亨在周一的一份声明中表示,在国家领导人“搞清楚眼下的情况”之前,应禁止穆斯林进入美国。“Until we are able to determine and understand this problem and the dangerous threat it poses, our country cannot be the victims of horrendous attacks by people that believe only in jihad and have no sense of reason or respect for human life,he said.他表示:“在我们能够确定和弄明白这个问题及它所构成的危险之前,我们的国家不能成为那些只信仰圣战、毫无理性或毫不尊重人类生命的人所制造的可怕袭击的受害者。”Mr Trump made his statement the day after President Barack Obama used a televised address to urge Americans not to alienate Muslim communities “through suspicion and hate在特朗普发表上述言论一天前,美国总统巴拉克攠巴马(Barack Obama)发表电视讲话,敦促美国人不要“通过猜疑和仇恨”疏远穆斯林群体。The White House immediately criticised Mr Trump’s statement. Ben Rhodes, deputy national security adviser, said the call to ban Muslims was “totally contrary to our values as Americansand would endanger national security because it would bolster Isis propaganda about US hostility to Muslims.美国政府对特朗普的言论立刻提出了批评。美国副国家安全顾问本圠德斯(Ben Rhodes)表示,禁止穆斯林入境的呼声“与我们作为美国人的价值观完全相悖”,并将危及国家安全,因为那样做将佐伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国(ISIS)关于美国敌视穆斯林的宣传。The statement was also strongly attacked by some of Mr Trump’s rival Republican candidates. Jeb Bush, the former Florida governor, said Mr Trump had become “unhinged Lindsey Graham, the South Carolina senator, said the statement was “downright dangerousand would put at risk the lives of US troops, diplomats and supporters in the Middle East.特朗普的言论还遭到了一些与他争夺共和党总统候选人提名的人士的强烈批评。前佛罗里达州州长杰布布什(Jeb Bush)表示,特朗普已经“精神错乱”。南卡罗来纳州参议员林塞格雷厄姆(Lindsey Graham)表示,这一言论“非常危险”,它将让在中东的美国士兵、外交官和持者的生命面临危险。Since the Paris attacks, Mr Trump has consolidated his lead in national polls on the Republican race. A poll on Monday gave him a 13 percentage point lead in Iowa, the first state to vote. However, another showed Ted Cruz, the Texas senator, leading by 5 percentage points.自巴黎发生恐怖袭击以来,特朗普已巩固了其在共和党总统候选人提名战全国民调中的领跑地位。周一的一项民调显示,他在爱荷华州(该州将是首个举行投票的州)领先13个百分点。不过,另一项民调显示,德克萨斯州参议员特德克鲁Ted Cruz)领先5个百分点。来 /201512/415098遵义韩美整形美容医院治疗纹身怎么样

遵义薄唇治疗遵义软骨隆鼻手术多少钱 Ben Bradlee, who presided over The Washington Posts exposure of the Watergate scandal that led to the fall of President Richard M. Nixon and that stamped him in American culture as the quintessential newspaper editor of his era gruff, charming and tenacious died on Tuesday. He was 93.在《华盛顿邮报The Washington Post)揭露水门事件期间担任主编的本·布拉德利(Ben Bradlee)于周二逝世,享3岁。水门事件不仅导致总统理查德·M·尼克Richard M. Nixon)下台,还奠定了布拉德利在美国文化中的地位——他是那个时代典型的报纸主编:作风粗犷、富有魅力、立场坚定。Mr. Bradlee died at home of natural causes, The Post reported.据邮报报道,布拉德利在家中自然死亡。With full backing from his publisher, Katharine Graham, Mr. Bradlee led The Post into the first rank of American newspapers, courting controversy and giving it standing as a thorn in the side of Washington officials.在出版人凯瑟琳·格雷厄Katharine Graham)的全力持下,布拉德利带领邮报跻身美国一流报刊的行列。该报不惧争议,令华府官员宛如芒刺在背。When government officials called to complain, Mr. Bradlee acted as a buffer between them and his staff. ;Just get it right,; he would tell his reporters. Most of the time they did, but there were mistakes, one so big that the paper had to return a Pulitzer Prize.当政府官员打电话过来抱怨时,布拉德利就会挡在他们与报社员工之间。“只要保事实准确,”他总是这样告诉记者。大多数时候,记者都能做到这一点,但有时也会犯错。有一次的错误非常严重,以至于邮报不得不归还了一个普利策奖项。Mr. Bradlee ;this last of the lion-king newspaper editors,; as Phil Bronstein, a former editor of The San Francisco Chronicle, described him could be classy or profane, an energetic figure with a boxers nose who almost invariably dressed in a white-collared, bold-striped Turnbull amp; Asser shirt, the sleeves rolled up.布拉德利——“最后一位狮子王般的报纸编辑”,《旧金山纪事报The San Francisco Chronicle)的前主编菲尔·布龙斯坦 (Phil Bronstein)这样描述他——可雅可俗,精力充沛,鼻梁扁平,几乎总是穿着一件白领粗条纹的滕阿Turnbull amp; Asser)衬衫,两只袖子卷起。When not prowling the newsroom like a restless coach, encouraging his handpicked reporters and editors, he sat behind a glass office wall that afforded him a view of them and they a view of him.他要么是像一个焦躁不安的教练那样在新闻编辑部里来回走动,鼓励自己精心挑选的记者和编辑,要么就会坐在办公室的玻璃墙后,让人们能看到他,他也能看到其他人;We would follow this man over any hill, into any battle, no matter what lay ahead,; his successor, Leonard Downie Jr., once said.他的继任者小伦纳德·唐Leonard Downie Jr.)曾说过,“我们愿意跟随这个人翻山越岭、浴血奋战,不管前路如何。”His rise at The Post was swift. A former Newsweek reporter, as well as neighbor and friend of John F. Kennedys, Mr. Bradlee rejoined the paper as deputy managing editor in 1965 (he worked there for a few years as a reporter early in his career). Within three months he was named managing editor, the second in command; within three years he was executive editor.布拉德利在邮报升职很快。他曾在《新闻周刊Newsweek)担任记者,而且还是约翰·F·肯尼John F. Kennedy)的邻居和朋友965年,布拉德利作为执行副主编重新进入邮报工作(在职业生涯早期,他曾在这里当过几年记者)。三个月之内,他便被任命为执行主编,成为报社的二把手;三年之内,他就荣升主编。The Post as he had found it was a sleepy competitor to The Evening Star and The Washington Daily News, and he began invigorating it. He transformed the ;womens; section into Style, a brash and gossipy overview of Washington mores. He started building up the staff, determined ;that a Washington Post reporter would be the best in town on every beat,; as he wrote in a 1995 memoir, ;A Good Life: Newspapering and Other Adventures.; He added, ;We had a long way to go.;他发现,邮报当时与《华盛顿晚星报The Evening Star)和《华盛顿每日新闻The Washington Daily News)相当,没有太强的竞争力。于是他开始为报纸注入活力。他把“女性”版改造成了“时尚”版,以一种自以为是的口气对华盛顿风潮说长道短。他开始建设员工团队,正如他在1995年的回忆录《最“危险”的总编辑A Good Life: Newspapering and Other Adventures)中所写,他坚信“《华盛顿邮报》的记者在每次报道中都应该是最出色的”。他说,“我们的路还很长。”How long became painfully clear to him in June 1971, when The Post was scooped by The New York Times on the Pentagon Papers, a secret government history of ed States involvement in Vietnam. After The Times printed excerpts for three days, a federal court enjoined it from publishing any more, arguing that publication would irreparably harm the nation. The Post, meanwhile, had obtained its own copy of the papers and prepared to publish.1971月,他终于痛苦地认识到这条路究竟有多长。当时,《纽约时报》先邮报一步,报道了“五角大楼文件Pentagon Papers)。这是美国政府对其介入越南事务的秘密记录。在时报连续三天刊登文件节选后,一家联邦法院以这些内容会对国家造成不可挽回的损害为由,禁止时报公开更多内容。与此同时,邮报也获得了这份文件,正准备发布。But The Post was on the verge of a million stock offering, and publishing could have scuttled the deal. At the same time, Mr. Bradlee was under pressure from reporters threatening to quit if he caved in. It was up to Mrs. Graham to choose. She decided to publish.但是,当时邮报正欲发行价500万美元的股票,而刊登这些内容可能会让这笔交易泡汤。同时,布拉德利也受到了压力,因为记者威胁他说,如果退缩,他们就辞职。最后,选择权交到了格雷厄姆手上。她决定发布这些内容。Cementing a Reputation巩固名誉The government tried to enjoin The Post from publishing, just as it had The Times, but the Supreme Court ultimately ruled in favor of both papers. More than anything else, Mr. Bradlee recalled, the publication of the Pentagon Papers ;forged forever between the Grahams and the newsroom a sense of confidence within The Post, a sense of mission.;政府试图阻止邮报曝光这些内容,就像对待时报那样,但最高法院最后做出了持这两家报纸的裁决。布拉德利回忆道,五角大楼文件的发布“在格雷厄姆家族与编辑部之间永久性地建立了一种对邮报的信心、一种使命感”,这是其他事情都无法比拟的。Watergate consolidated The Posts reputation as a crusading newspaper. A break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate complex on June 17, 1972 the White House soon characterized it as a ;third-rate burglary; caught the attention of two young reporters on the metropolitan staff, Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward. Soon they were working the phones, wearing out shoe leather and putting two and two together.水门事件之后,邮报新闻斗士的声誉得到了巩固9727日,民主党全国委员会(Democratic National Committee)在水门大厦的总部遭人闯入——白宫迅速将其定性为“三级入室行窃案”——这件事吸引了两名负责华盛顿本地新闻的年轻记者的注意。这两人分别是卡尔·伯恩斯Carl Bernstein)和鲍勃·伍德沃Bob Woodward)。很快,他们便开始不断打电话,四处奔波,拼凑蛛丝马迹。With the help of others on the staff and the support of Mr. Bradlee and his editors and Mrs. Graham they uncovered a political scandal involving secret funds, espionage, sabotage, dirty tricks and illegal wiretapping. Along the way they withstood repeated denials by the White House, threats from the attorney general (who ended up in prison) and the uncomfortable feeling of being alone on the story of the century.在邮报其他记者的帮助和布拉德利等编辑——以及格雷厄姆本人——的持下,他们揭发了一起涉及秘密基金、间谍活动、蓄意破坏、卑鄙伎俩和非法窃听的政治丑闻。一路上,他们成功抵御了白宫的反复否认、(最后锒铛入狱的)司法部长的威胁,以及在报道这桩世纪新闻时的那种难熬的孤立无援感。When the trail of crimes and shenanigans led directly to the White House, Nixon was forced to resign in August 1974. The tapes that he himself had made of conversations in the Oval Office confirmed what The Post had been reporting. Mrs. Graham wrote to Mr. Bradlee in her Christmas letter that year, ;We were only saved from extinction by someone mad enough not only to tape himself but to tape himself talking about how to conceal it.;当对这些罪行和阴谋的审判直接指向白宫时,尼克松最终被迫于1974月辞职。他用来记录椭圆形办公室对话的录音带实了邮报的报道。在当年写给布拉德利的圣诞信中,格雷厄姆说,“有人竟然疯狂到这种地步:不仅给自己录音,还录下了自己谈论如何掩盖这种行为的内容。我们因为这个人才得以免于毁灭。”After Watergate, journalism schools filled up with would-be Woodwards and Bernsteins, and the business of journalism changed, taking on an even tougher hide of skepticism than the one that formed during the Vietnam War.水门事件之后,新闻学院里挤满了想成为伍德沃德和伯恩斯坦的学生;整个新闻行业也改头换面,形成了比越战时期更为明显的质疑风气;No matter how many spin doctors were provided by no matter how many sides of how many arguments,; Mr. Bradlee wrote, ;from Watergate on, I started looking for the truth after hearing the official version of a truth.;“无论存在多少争论,这些争论有多少层面,又有多少人来引导舆论,”布拉德利写道,“从水门事件开始,在听过官方叙事后,我都会去探寻真相。”The Posts Watergate coverage won the 1973 Pulitzer Prize for public service. It was one of 18 Pulitzers The Post received during Mr. Bradlees tenure. (It had won only a handful before then.) The total would have been 19 if The Post had not been compelled to return one awarded to a young reporter, Janet Cooke, for an article, titled ;Jimmys World,; about an 8-year-old drug addict whose heroin supplier was his mothers live-in lover. Only after she was given the prize was it discovered that she had fabricated the story and lied about her credentials when she was hired.邮报对水门事件的报道赢得973年的普利策公共务奖。这是布拉德利在任期间,邮报获得8项普利策奖之一。(邮报此前获得该奖项的次数寥寥无几。)倘若邮报未曾被迫归还颁发给年轻记者珍妮特·库克(Janet Cooke)的奖项,总数就应该是19个。当时,库克因为一篇题为《吉米的世界Jimmys World)的报道获奖,文章讲述了一岁男孩染上毒瘾的故事,而给他提供海洛因的是母亲的同居情人。她获奖之后,人们才发现这个故事纯属编造,而且她在进入报社工作时还伪造了自己的履历。Mr. Bradlee offered to resign over the affair but received the same support from Mrs. Grahams son Donald, who had become the publisher, as he had received from Mrs. Graham during the Pentagon Papers and Watergate crises.因为此事,布拉德利提出辞职,但如同在五角大楼文件和水门危机期间获得了格雷厄姆的持一样,他得到了当时的出版人、格雷厄姆的儿子唐纳Donald)的持。By the time of the Janet Cooke episode, Mr. Bradlee had weathered strikes by members of the Newspaper Guild, many of them his friends, and the pressmen, who had vandalized the pressroom. During those strikes he served as a reporter, mailroom clerk and general lifter of spirits.在珍妮特·库克事件发生前,布拉德利还经受住了报业工Newspaper Guild)成员联合印刷工人举行的罢工。罢工者当中,有许多是他的朋友,印刷工人还破坏了印刷机房。在此期间,他充当过记者和邮件收发员,还经常给大家打气。He had also endured libel suits and government efforts unsuccessful ones to stop The Post from publishing articles on the ground of national security. In one case even his own friends pressured him, to no avail, to kill a story.此外,他还经受住了数桩诽谤诉讼,以及政府的多次禁言企图——都是以国家安全为由来阻止该报刊登文章,但均未得逞。其中一次,就连他自己的朋友也施加压力,要求他毙掉一篇报道,但他没有屈。Benjamin Crowninshield Bradlee was born in Boston on Aug. 26, 1921, the second son of Frederick Josiah Bradlee Jr. and Josephine de Gersdorff Bradlee. In a family that moved from 211 Beacon Street to 295 Beacon Street to 267 Beacon Street and finally to 280 Beacon Street, his boyhood, as he wrote, was ;not adventuresome.;本·布拉德利全名本杰明·克劳宁希尔德·布拉德利(Benjamin Crowninshield Bradlee)9216日出生于波士顿,是小弗雷德里克·乔赛亚·布拉德利(Frederick Josiah Bradlee Jr.)和约瑟芬·德格斯多夫·布拉德Josephine de Gersdorff Bradlee)夫妇的次子。布拉德利一家先是从灯塔11号搬到了295号,又搬到了267号,最后搬到了280号。正如他写的那样,生活在这样一个家庭,他的童年“并不惊险刺激”。With his brother, Freddy, and a sister, Constance, he learned French, took piano lessons and went to the symphony and the opera. He was at St. Marks School when he was stricken with polio during an epidemic. But his self-confidence was undiminished: He exercised rigorously at home, and when he returned to school the next fall he had noticeably strong arms and chest and could walk without limping.布拉德利和哥哥弗雷迪(Freddy)及康斯坦Constance)一起学法语、上钢琴课、听交响乐、看歌剧。就读于圣马可中St. Marks School)期间,小儿麻痹症流行,他未能幸免。但他的自信心并未遭到削弱:他在家里大量运动,接下来的秋天重回校园时,他的手臂和胸部非常结实,而且能正常行走。Continuing a family tradition that dated to 1795, he attended Harvard, where he joined the Naval R.O.T.C. As a sophomore he was one of 268 young Harvard men, including John F. Kennedy, chosen, as ;well adjusted,; to participate in the now celebrated Grant longitudinal study, which tracked their lives over the years.他延续了家族795年以来的传统,入读了哈佛,并在那里加入了海军预备役军官训练营。大二时,他和另外一些哈佛学生因为“良好的适应能力”,获选参加如今大名鼎鼎的格兰特纵向研Grant longitudinal)。当时共68名学生被选中,其中包括约翰·F·肯尼迪。该研究对他们的生活进行了常年追踪。On Aug. 8, 1942, Mr. Bradlee graduated (;by the skin of his teeth,; he wrote of himself) as a Greek-English major, was commissioned an ensign and married Jean Saltonstall all in all, a busy day.1942日,布拉德利以希腊语和英语专业学生的身份(用他自己的话说,“万分惊险地”)毕业,并被委以海军少尉之职,还娶了琼·索顿斯托Jean Saltonstall)。总而言之,这是繁忙的一天。A month later, Mr. Bradlee shipped out to the Pacific on the destroyer Philip and saw combat for two years. During the last year of World War II he helped other destroyers run shipboard information centers.一个月后,布拉德利乘“菲利普号Philip)驱逐舰前往太平洋,并在那里作战两年。在二战的最后一个年头里,他协助管理了其他几艘驱逐舰的舰载信息中心。After the war, Mr. Bradlee and a group of friends started The New Hampshire Sunday News, a weekly. For a time he thought ;very, very, very seriously; about entering politics, he said in 1960. When the paper was sold, he snagged his first job at The Washington Post, in 1948.二战结束后,布拉德利和一群朋友创办了周报《新罕布什尔周日新闻The New Hampshire Sunday News)。他960年曾说过,有一段时间,他“非常、非常、非常认真地”考虑过从政。当这份报纸948年售出后,他获得了在《华盛顿邮报》的第一份工作。One Saturday, as he took a tour of the White House, a delegation of French officials was visiting President Harry S. Truman and no translator could be found. Mr. Bradlee filled in.一个周六,当他在白宫参观时,一由法国官员组成的代表团正在拜访时任总统哈里·S·杜鲁Harry S.Truman)。当时找不到翻译,于是便由布拉德利代替。In 1951 he was offered the job of press attaché in Paris and left for France with his wife and his young son, Benjamin Jr. From the embassy job he moved on to Newsweek in 1954, as European correspondent based in Paris.1951年,得到去巴黎担任使馆新闻专员的工作邀请后,布拉德利携妻子和年幼的儿子小本杰明(Benjamin Jr.)前往法国954年,结束大使馆的工作后,他去了《新闻周刊》,担任其驻巴黎记者,报道欧洲事务。His work was thriving, but his marriage was falling apart and finally disintegrated when he met Antoinette Pinchot Pittman, known as Tony. They were married in 1957. A year later, Mr. Bradlee took up his post as the low man in Newsweeks Washington bureau.他的事业蒸蒸日上,但婚姻却濒临崩溃,并在他遇见昵称为“托妮Tony)的安托瓦妮特·平肖·皮特Antoinette Pinchot Pittman)后最终瓦解。两人于1957年结婚。一年后,布拉德利开始在《新闻周刊》华盛顿分社担任低层职务。A Lucrative Idea一个回报颇丰的主意Concerned about rumors that Newsweek was going to be sold, Mr. Bradlee, in a moment of brashness, decided late one night to call Philip Graham, the publisher of The Washington Post, with an urgent message: Buy Newsweek.一天深夜,对《新闻周刊》将被出售的传言感到担忧的布拉德利,自行其是地决定给《华盛顿邮报》的出版人菲利普·格雷厄姆(Philip Graham)打电话,并传达了一条紧急消息:买下《新闻周刊》;It was the best telephone call I ever made the luckiest, most productive, most exciting,; he later wrote.“这是我打的最成功的电话,最幸运、最有成效、最令人激动,”他后来写道。Mr. Graham saw Mr. Bradlee that night, and they talked until dawn. On March 9, 1961, The Post acquired Newsweek, and Mr. Bradlee, soon to become the magazines Washington bureau chief, was rewarded with enough Post stock, as a finders fee, to live as a wealthy man.当天夜里,菲利普·格雷厄姆见到了布拉德利,两人一直交谈到黎明961日,邮报收购了《新闻周刊》,而作为奖赏,布拉德利得到的邮报股份,足够他过上富人的生活。那是他推介这一机遇的回报。不久后,他成为《新闻周刊》华盛顿分社社长。Mr. Bradlee continued his friendship with Kennedy and the Kennedy clan. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Mr. Bradlee was among the friends invited to receive the first lady in Washington. ;There is no more haunting sight in all the history Ive observed,; he wrote in his memoir, ;than Jackie Kennedy, walking slowly, unsteadily into those hospital rooms, her pink suit stained with her husbands blood.;布拉德利保持着与肯尼迪本人及其家族的友谊。肯尼迪总统1963年遇刺时,布拉德利是受邀在华盛顿迎接第一夫人的友人之一。他在回忆录中写道,“杰姬·肯尼迪(Jackie Kennedy)脚步酿跄地慢慢走进医院的那些房间,粉色套装上还沾染着丈夫的鲜血,那是我看到的有史以来最令人难以释怀的一幕。”Months before Kennedys death, Philip Graham committed suicide, leaving his widow, Katharine, in charge of the family business. Two years later she was still finding her way at a newspaper that had been suffering losses of million a year when she proposed that Mr. Bradlee join The Post as a deputy managing editor. The two formed a lasting bond.在肯尼迪遇刺身亡的几个月前,菲利普·格雷厄姆自杀,将家族企业留给了遗孀凯瑟琳掌管。两年后,她依然未能在这家年亏损100万美元的报纸找到出路。她提议布拉德利加入邮报,担任执行副主编。两人就此结成了长久的合作关系。Mr. Bradlee remained with the paper for 26 years, stepping down in 1991 at age 70. Named vice president at large, he had an office at The Post and became what he called ;a stop on the tour; for new reporters.布拉德利在邮报工作了26年,直到1991年以70岁的高龄退位。他被任命为名誉副总裁,在邮报有一间办公室,并成了他自嘲的新记者“入职参观的一个景点”。He was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the countrys highest civilian honor, in 2013.2013年,布拉德利被授予总统自由勋章(Presidential Medal of Freedom)。这是美国平民享有的最高荣誉。In his memoir he confessed to having no overarching prescriptions for the practice of journalism. He wrote that he knew of nothing more sophisticated than the motto of one of his grade-school teachers: ;Our best today; better tomorrow.;在回忆录中,布拉德利坦承在新闻实践方面,他并没有通用原则。他写道,自己听到的最有智慧的话,是他的一位小学老师的座右铭:“今天做到最好;明天做到更好。;Put out the best, most honest newspaper you can today,; he said, ;and put out a better one the next day.;“今天在报纸上拿出能力范围内最奀?最实在的内容,”他说,“第二天再拿出更好的。”来 /201410/338014遵义拔牙一颗多少钱

遵义喷砂洗牙 Emperor Akihito has expressed “deep remorsefor Japan’s wartime actions, marking the 70th anniversary of the end of the second world war with language that deviated from previous years.日本明仁天皇(Emperor Akihito)对日本的战时行为表示“深刻反省”。天皇在纪念第二次世界大战结0周年时所用的措辞与往年有所不同。The 81-year-old emperor‘s words of regret were delivered following a minute’s silence at noon. At the same moment in 1945, his father Hirohito announced Japan’s surrender.在正午默哀一分钟后,现年81岁的天皇发表了表示悔意的讲话945年的此时此刻,他的父亲裕仁天Hirohito)宣布日本投降。“Reflecting on our past and bearing in mind the feelings of deep remorse over the last war, I earnestly hope that the ravages of war will never be repeated,the emperor said on Saturday. The ceremony in Tokyo to remember the war dead was also attended by Empress Michiko and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.“在回顾过去、对先前战争深刻反省的基础上,我殷切期盼战争惨祸不再重演,”天皇在上周六表示。美智子皇后(Empress Michiko)和安倍晋Shinzo Abe)首相也出席了在东京举行的纪念战死者的仪式。The emperor’s words were closely watched this year as Mr Abe is seeking to reinterpret Japan’s pacifist constitution to make it easier for its armed forces to fight. On the eve of the 70th anniversary, Mr Abe issued a statement in which he stopped short of giving his own clear apology. He upheld the forms of past statements of remorse, but said the country did not intend to keep apologising for ever.天皇的讲话今年受到密切关注,因为安倍晋三正寻求重新解释日本的和平宪法,放宽对自卫队投入战斗的约束。在二战结束70周年前夕,安倍发表了他的声明,其中没有表示明确的道歉。他在形式上维持了过去的反省声明,但表示日本不打算永远道歉下去。Every year on Aug 15, the emperor has stuck to the same script using the phrase “deep sorrow.But it is believed to be the first time that he used the word “remorsefor the annual speech. His statement was also longer this year with new wording on the public’s commitment to peace.每年85日,天皇都在讲话中使用“深深悲痛”这个措辞。但据信这是他第一次在年度演讲中使用“反省”一词。今年他的演讲篇幅也更长,在日本公众向往和平这一点上有新的表述。“Seventy years have passed since the end of the war, and our country today enjoys peace and prosperity, thanks to the ceaseless efforts made by the people of Japan towards recovery from the devastation of the war and towards development, always backed by their earnest desire for the continuation of peace,the emperor said.“战争结束已经过去了70年,今天我们的国家享有和平与繁荣,这要归功于日本人民对于战后重建、对于发展作出的不懈努力,撑他们坚持下去的始终是他们对于保持和平的真诚愿望,”天皇表示。While the emperor is forbidden by constitution from having a political role, he has on several occasions expressed remorse for the war and used language that appeared to be more conciliatory to China and South Korea.尽管宪法禁止天皇扮演任何政治角色,但明仁天皇已几次对战争表示反省,并使用看起来对中国和韩国更为安抚性的措辞。On Saturday, three cabinet ministers visited the Yasukuni shrine in Tokyo, which honours Japan’s war dead including some convicted of war crimes. Mr Abe did not visit the shrine and only sent his ritual offering in an apparent bid to avoid causing tension with neighbouring countries.上周六,三位内阁部长级官员参拜了东京的靖国神Yasukuni shrine),这里供奉着日本的战争亡灵,包括一些被判有罪的战犯。安倍本人没有参拜靖国神社,只是向靖国神社献上了“玉串料”(祭祀费),显然是为了避免造成与邻国的紧张局势。South Korean president Park Geun-hye said on Saturday that Mr Abe’s speech left much “to be desiredand contained “regrettable elements.Hua Chunying, a spokeswoman for the Chinese foreign ministry, said “Japan should have made an explicit statement on the nature of the war of militarism and aggression and its responsibility on the wars.”韩国总统朴槿Park Geun-hye)上周六表示,安倍的讲话有很多地方“不够好”,并含有“令人遗憾的元素”。中国外交部发言人华春莹表示,“日本理应对那场军国主义侵略战争的性质和战争责任作出清晰明确的交代。”In his statement, Mr Abe did not refer directly to the suffering of so-called comfort women who were forced into prostitution by Japan’s army during the war, but he did make a fresh acknowledgment of the sexual violence that accompanied the war.安倍晋三在他的讲话中没有直接提及慰安妇的苦难(这些妇女在战争期间被日本军队强迫提供性务),但他确实对战争期间的性暴力作出了新的承认。Isao Tokoro, professor emeritus at Kyoto Sangyo University and an imperial family expert, said the emperor’s words were not meant to have any political implications. But he added the 70th anniversary marked a “turning pointwhere the emperor felt compelled to use clearer language to express his feelings for the war.京都产业大学(Kyoto Sangyo University) 名誉教授、皇室专家所Isao Tokoro)表示,天皇的话本意不是要具有任何政治含义。但他补充说,战争结0周年标志着一个“转折点”,天皇觉得不得不使用更清晰的语言来表达自己对那场战争的感想。“The emperor wanted to mark this turning point with his deepest hope that people will reflect on the war with remorse and think seriously about peace,Mr Tokoro said.“天皇在纪念这个转折点时,最深切地希望人民以反省的心情反思那场战争,认真思考和平,”所功表示。来 /201508/393306遵义丰脸整形遵义副乳怎么办

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